What do we mean when we speak of “independence” and “freedom”? Do we seek merely to replace the Stars and Stripes with a flag of our own device? Do we dream of wresting for ourselves the power of a nation-state, for no reason other than the feeling of potency that such power brings? Shall we fight for liberty in name only, content to leave the corruption and hypocrisy of this culture untouched? Or, do we long for the opportunity to establish for ourselves and our posterity a just State which will be operated on the principles of impartiality and compassion, and which will reflect our own ideals of justice and morality?
It is to be regretted that the rich and powerful too often bend the acts of government to their selfish purposes. Distinctions in society will always exist under every just government. Equality of talents, of education, or of wealth cannot be produced by human institutions. In the full enjoyment of the gifts of Heaven and the fruits of superior industry, economy, and virtue, every man is equally entitled to protection by law; but when the laws undertake to add to these natural and just advantages artificial distinctions, to grant titles, gratuities, and exclusive privileges, to make the rich richer and the potent more powerful, the humble members of society—the farmers, mechanics, and laborers—who have neither the time nor the means of securing like favors to themselves, have a right to complain of the injustice of their Government. There are no necessary evils in government. Its evils exist only in its abuses. If it would confine itself to equal protection, and, as Heaven does its rains, shower its favor alike on the high and the low, the rich and the poor, it would be an unqualified blessing. In the act before me there seems to be a wide and unnecessary departure from these just principles. – Andrew Jackson [1]
Most readers of this blog are already quite familiar with the arrogant usurpation of power by the American Empire, and their plans to subdue all of human kind in their infamous quest to establish a global “New World Order”, which will relegate the concept of “constitutional rights” to the history books. However, not everyone truly understands exactly how this is to be accomplished. Guns and bombs and nuclear weapons? Well, sure, but when is the last time we saw a squad of enforcers hanging out on the street corner just waiting for someone to exercise their Freedom of Speech so they can blow them away?
Not recently – because it isn’t necessary. The real instrument of our oppression is silent, ubiquitous, and much more insidious, because no one seems to understand how it works. Governeur Morris, the former delegate from New York who had helped to draft the Constitution, stated:
The rich will strive to establish their dominion and enslave the rest. They always did. They always will.... They will have the same effect here as elsewhere, if we do not, by such a government, keep them within their proper spheres. We should remember that the people never act from reason alone. The rich will take advantage of their passions, and make these the instruments for oppressing them. The result of the contest will be a violent aristocracy, or a more violent despotism.[2]
Many texts by professional economists seem to have been written in an intentionally overcomplicated fashion in an attempt to obfuscate what would otherwise be rather blatant fraud. It is the Federal Reserve System, through its criminal central banking practices and the issuance of paper notes of credit, which supports and augments the plutocracy which even now seeks to make servants of us and victims of those that live on other continents. It is the mechanism of fiat currency that allows the government to create an environment in which those who are lucky enough to have jobs at all (on their terms) are kept locked in a cycle of perpetual work and living paycheck-to-paycheck. And, it is also the Federal Reserve System that allows the government to immediately finance any sort of project they want – from ridiculous pork-barrel “earmarks”, to the unconstitutional, unpopular, and very deadly wars in the Middle East. The cost of these activities is said to be “borrowed” but is, in fact, paid immediately by everyone whose paychecks are denominated in US dollars. Thomas Jefferson, a lifelong champion of “sound money”, wrote:
Although all the nations of Europe have tried and trodden every path of force and folly in a fruitless quest of the same object, yet we still expect to find in juggling tricks and banking dreams, that money can be made out of nothing, and in sufficient quantity to meet the expense of heavy war. ...[3]
The toleration of banks of paper discount costs the United States one-half of their war taxes; or, in other words, doubles the expenses of every war. ...[4]
The modern theory of the perpetuation of debt has drenched the earth with blood, and crushed its inhabitants under burdens ever accumulating.[5]
The learned individuals who fought in the First American Revolution and helped to draft the Constitution of the United States of America well understood the danger posed by “rag money” and took great pains to word that document in such a way as to preclude (or so they thought) the possibility of ever again falling for the central banking scam. Oliver Ellsworth from Connecticut, who later was to become our third Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, said:
This is a favorable moment to shut and bar the door against paper money. The mischief of the various experiments which have been made are now fresh in the public mind and have excited the disgust of all the respectable parts of America.[6]
It was federal debt that allowed the political and monetary scientists to violate the intent of the founding fathers, and it was this same federal debt that prompted Jefferson to exclaim:
I wish it were possible to obtain a single amendment to our Constitution. I would be willing to depend on that alone for the reduction of the administration of our government to the general principle of the Constitution; I mean an additional article, taking from the federal government their power of borrowing.[7]
We shall consider ourselves unauthorized to saddle posterity with our debts, and morally bound to pay them ourselves.[8]…The earth belongs to the living, not the dead.... We may consider each generation as a distinct nation, with a right to ... bind themselves, but not the succeeding generation. ...[9]
Therefore, I earnestly urge the reader of this blog to undertake the task of educating themselves on the evils of central banking and the inherently dishonest nature of paper money. For additional insight into this topic, written in a style that everyday people will find both fascinating and easily comprehensible, I recommend The Creature From Jeckyll Island by G. Edward Griffin (published by American Media). [Note: The Creature From Jeckyll Island is my direct source for the quotations used in this essay.] Those with greater than average literary interest might find The Writings of Thomas Jefferson to be even more illuminating. An essential knowledge of these types of fiduciary illusions is critical to any fledgling republic or mounting revolution. Without this understanding, any such movement that shows even the potential to succeed will be quickly co-opted by the elite financial ruling-class and in the end will become just as corrupt and despotic as the one it replaced. The Americans are held captive, not by guns and tanks, but by the paper chains of their own willful ignorance. Free yourself.
[1] Andrew Jackson, speaking to Congress in 1832 to explain his veto of the renewal of the charter of the Second Bank of the United States. Quoted by Kroos, Herman E., in Documentary History of Banking and Currency in the United States Vol. III, pp. 36-37. New York, Chelsea House, 1983.
[2] Governeur Morris, written on July 2, 1787, in a letter to James Madison. Quoted in "Prosperity Economics," by W. Cleon Skousen, Freeman Digest, February, 1985, p. 9.
[3] The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Library Edition, Vol. XIV, p. 227. Washington: Jefferson Memorial Association, 1903.
[4] The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Library Edition, Vol. XIII, p. 364. Washington: Jefferson Memorial Association, 1903.
[5]The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Library Edition, Vol. XIII, p. 272. Washington: Jefferson Memorial Association, 1903.
[6] For the context of this and the following statements expressing a similar sentiment, see Bancroft, George, A Plea for the Constitution, pp. 30, 43-44, 82, New York: Harpers, 1886; also Paul, Ron and Lehrman, Lewis, The Case for Gold, , p. 168, Washington, D.C.: Cato Institute, 1982.
[7] Letter to John Taylor, November 26, 1789. Quoted by Martin A. Larson, The Continuing Tax Rebellion (Old Greenwich, Connecticut: Devin-Adair, 1979), p. xii.
[8]The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Library Edition, Vol. XIII, p. 358. Washington: Jefferson Memorial Association, 1903.
[9]The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Library Edition, Vol. XIII, p. 270. Washington: Jefferson Memorial Association, 1903.
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