Thomas Jefferson, father of nullification |
I have a running argument with a friend on Facebook who sees
no value to nullification; and I admit, his arguments are impressive and, from
a legal standpoint, persuasive. He sent this letter to the Columbus Dispatch, which as far as I know, was not published:
Economically, Constitutionally, and
Logically, Issue 3 is a lose-lose:
Regardless of your political leanings and view of the Affordable Care Act (ACA), Issue 3 is a bad proposition for Ohio. The amendment would cost taxpayers tens of thousands of dollars, result in needless litigation, and, in the end, leave us in the exact same place as now.
Throughout our 200 year history, state-level nullification of a federal law has been attempted on numerous occasions, always with the same results. The Supreme Court consistently has found that states do not have a right to ignore or override a law enacted by the federal government. (e.g., McCulloch v. Maryland, Osborn v. Bank of the United States, Cooper v. Aaron). With 200 years of precedent against nullification, what makes us think that this will be any different?
This time, it won't be any different – Ohio will not be allowed to nullify the ACA. The state will spend tens of thousands of dollars, and countless man-hours, defending a losing battle. Instead of being able to 'opt out' of the ACA, we will be back where we are now, only with a loss of money and time. Issue 3, in the end, will change nothing.
Regardless of your political leanings and view of the Affordable Care Act (ACA), Issue 3 is a bad proposition for Ohio. The amendment would cost taxpayers tens of thousands of dollars, result in needless litigation, and, in the end, leave us in the exact same place as now.
Throughout our 200 year history, state-level nullification of a federal law has been attempted on numerous occasions, always with the same results. The Supreme Court consistently has found that states do not have a right to ignore or override a law enacted by the federal government. (e.g., McCulloch v. Maryland, Osborn v. Bank of the United States, Cooper v. Aaron). With 200 years of precedent against nullification, what makes us think that this will be any different?
This time, it won't be any different – Ohio will not be allowed to nullify the ACA. The state will spend tens of thousands of dollars, and countless man-hours, defending a losing battle. Instead of being able to 'opt out' of the ACA, we will be back where we are now, only with a loss of money and time. Issue 3, in the end, will change nothing.
If Ohioans see Issue 3 as the end of the matter, it will change nothing; because, as my
friend writes, it has no legal standing. Nullification does not repeal a
federal law, no matter how unconstitutional that law may be. Whether it can
stop an unconstitutional federal law within its own state depends on how the
battle of wills between the people of Ohio and the federal government plays out,
as I shall explain presently.
In 1798, Congress passed the Alien and Sedition Acts, which
greatly restricted freedom of speech. Because of the First Amendment, the Acts
were grossly unconstitutional; but there was no case to bring before the
Supreme Court (before it was generally acknowledged that the Supreme Court
could rule on the constitutionality of a law). Thomas Jefferson and James
Madison held, in the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions, that when all else had
failed, the states had a right to prevent enforcement of an unconstitutional
federal law within its boundaries. The nullification resolutions started a political
uproar that led to a new President and Congress in 1800, and the prompt repeal
of the Alien and Sedition Acts.
In 1832, South Carolina passed a nullification ordinance
against the federal tariff. President Jackson threatened force against the
State of South Carolina if it attempted to block federal enforcement of the
tariff. The resulting battle of wills led to a compromise, in which Congress
repealed the provisions of the tariff that were most harmful to South Carolina,
and South Carolina agreed to accept the amended law.
These were two examples in which nullification succeeded, not
as a legal act, but because it sent a clear signal to Congress that the acts
being nullified were intolerable to the people of an entire state. In other
words, nullification is not a legal act,
it is a political one. There are also plenty of examples in which
nullification attempts failed – because the issue being nullified was not
compelling, or because the cost of upholding the nullification was greater than
what the people of that state were willing to pay.
Normally, people will uphold the rule of law and use the
court system when they collectively feel that the system is just and fair. In
such times, nullification efforts will fail. However, when the people find that
the law has become merely "an instrument of the tyrant's will" (as Thomas Jefferson
wrote), then they will resort to extraordinary measures.
In American political theory, there are three political
steps that can be taken when the people find that the law has turned against
them:
- They can vote the enactors of that law out in the next election, and elect a Congress that will repeal that law. But what happens when people perceive that system to be unjust, not just in the last few years, but over a generation or more?
- They can, as Ohio's voters just did, turn to nullification, to send a strong message to the Congress that the Affordable Health Care Act of 2010 is infringing on the rights of the people to make their own health care decisions. Nine other states have made the same statement. But what happens if the federal government is determined to enforce its laws over repeated nullifications, or Congress is simply tone-deaf to the people it purports to represent?
- A state has the right to secede. Secession, like nullification, is not a legal act even though it observes a legal process. Our Founding Fathers declared independence when it found a British Parliament that was tone-deaf to the pleas of the colonists. We may be approaching a time when, having tried and failed to repeal offensive legislation or to nullify it within the states; that separating ourselves becomes the only recourse that can be initiated peacefully. We have seen instances in the last twenty years in which secession abroad has been carried out in peace; but that does not mean that any such act can be done peacefully here.
I assert the right of secession as a natural right. A good
argument can also be made, based on contract law, that the Constitution of the
United States is a compact between the fifty sovereign (really, sovereign) states to provide for a
common defense and agreed-upon services from a servant federal government. When
the federal government rejects the authority of that Constitution, the compact
is broken, and the states have the right to repeal their ratification of it.
Failing all three, there is nothing that can be done within
the legal process. If the federal government is determined to suppress
secession by force, then we face a situation when (again quoting Jefferson) "the tree
of liberty must be refreshed from time to time by the blood of patriots and tyrants."
In other words, we would have to resort
to the natural right of revolution, just as thirteen Southern states found
themselves having to do 150 years ago.
The best solution is for Congress to heed the calls of the
several states to repeal the Affordable Health Care Act, Real ID, the USA
Patriot Act, and other offensive legislation; and if it fails to do so, for the
people to enact nullification ordinances all over the place until it does. But
if the federal government is intent upon establishing a tyranny over us, we
have the right to secede, before any of us resort to violence.
"All political power is inherent in the people. Government is instituted for their equal protection and benefit, and they have the right to alter, reform, or abolish the same, whenever they may deem it necessary…" -- Ohio Constitution, Article I, Section 2.
Update Nov. 10: This is 213th anniversary of the adoption of the Kentucky Resolutions, written by Thomas Jefferson, against the Alien & Sedition Acts mentioned above.
3 comments:
As the 'friend,' I really can't come up with a good response to your response. I mean, I don't think now (with the economy in the tank, such a strong partisan divide (arguably the largest since the war itself), and limited state resources, we should be doing something that will cost us for symbolic reasons. But, at the same point, I think that sumbolism has an extremely important place in out nation.
Well responded, and well done.
As an aside, I actually deleted a sentence (for word count) from the submission which stated "there is a time and a place for symbolic votes, in this economy, it isn't now, and it isn't here." I regret cutting it now, would have headed you off ;)
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